How the EHRC Enabled an Anti-Trans Agenda

In January 2023, the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) held a closed-door meeting with Sex Matters, a group whose core mission is to roll back legal protections for trans people. For months, the meeting remained hidden from public view until our Freedom of Information (FOI) request forced its disclosure.

The EHRC’s formal FOI response confirmed the meeting, and its internal notes lay bare a disturbing pattern: Britain’s human rights regulator gave a sympathetic hearing to a group lobbying to legally erase trans people from equality law. The Commission not only failed to push back; it offered help, validation, and possible next steps.

What emerges is a troubling portrait of a regulatory body drifting into ideological capture, and of trans communities being excluded from decisions that profoundly affect their lives.

“Trans Women and Men Do Not Exist Legally”

Sex Matters did not mince words. They argued that the Equality Act 2010 is unworkable because trans people are legally ambiguous or, in their view, legally nonexistent.

“Maya added trans women and trans men do not exist legally; if trans women as a distinct group are discriminated against they could be referred to as ‘males with a GRC’.” — Disclosure, p. 2

This is a radical claim. It dismisses decades of legal precedent and statutory protection under the Gender Recognition Act 2004, which affirms that trans people who obtain a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC) must be treated for all legal purposes as their acquired gender. Sex Matters explicitly called for this framework to be overturned—not through open parliamentary debate, but via a ministerial order under Section 23 of the GRA.

“The Government must exercise its power under s.23 of the Gender Recognition Act to modify the operation of the Equality Act 2010 by specifying the terms sex, male, female, man & woman… mean biological sex.” — Disclosure, p. 2

EHRC’s Response: Listening, Not Challenging

Instead of pushing back against these claims—or defending the legal status of trans people—the EHRC appeared receptive. At no point in the notes is there a record of anyone at the Commission challenging the assertion that trans people “do not exist legally” or that the law is broken.

“MF [Melanie Field] also recognised a perhaps overly risk-averse approach to gender identity and inclusion has blurred people’s understanding of the law and that the EHRC’s single sex spaces guidance was an attempt to help with that, but that it is helpful to hear Maya’s articulations of where the law is not working as intended.” — Disclosure, p. 2

This is not the language of a neutral regulator. It’s the language of an institution validating a policy agenda driven by anti-trans ideology.

Legal Reinterpretation via the Back Door

Sex Matters’ core demand was for the EHRC to support redefining “sex” in the Equality Act to mean biological sex. This would:

  • Undermine the Gender Recognition Act 2004.
  • Allow organisations to legally exclude all trans women from “women’s services,” regardless of GRC.
  • Strip trans men of male recognition in law.
  • Potentially cause chaos in pensions, marriage, data protection, and healthcare systems.

The EHRC acknowledged these stakes in the abstract:

“Were sex in the EquA not to mean legal sex, those with a Gender Recognition Certificate would be of one sex for most legal purposes… but of the other for equality and non-discrimination rights.” — Disclosure, p. 3

Yet they failed to clarify that the courts (at the time)—including the UK Supreme Court—had repeatedly upheld that sex in the Equality Act does mean legal sex, including GRC-holders. Instead, the Commission opened the door to Sex Matters’ narrative of confusion and chaos, rather than correcting it.

3. Sex Matters’ proposal for amending the 2010 EA
3.1. We agree with Sex Matters that it is important to have clarity in the law, and we
will be actively observing the outcomes of the anticipated appeals of both the For
Women Scotland case and the UK Government’s decision to prevent the Scottish
Gender Recognition Reform Bill receiving Royal Assent.

A Strategic Political Play, Enabled by the EHRC

Maya Forstater and Helen Joyce were clear that their campaign is political, and that recent events gave them an opportunity.

“She noted the For Women Scotland case was only relevant to one minor aspect of the EqAct, but Sex Matters is keen to push a much wider legal debate. She also thought that the section 35 order in relation to the Scottish gender recognition reform proposals presents an opportunity and has made their own proposals ‘an acceptable thing to talk about’.” — Disclosure, p. 3

This is not about legal clarity. It’s about exploiting political moments—like the UK Government’s block on Scottish reforms—to push trans exclusion into the political mainstream. And the EHRC, rather than challenging that agenda, helped normalise it.

Transparency and Selective Disclosure

The original Disclosure.pdf states the meeting was arranged “at the Chairwoman’s request”—a claim the EHRC later walked back in their FOI response:

“The Chairwoman did not proactively seek a meeting with Sex Matters, it was only after being approached did the Commission agree to the meeting.” — FOI Response, p. 2

Why did the EHRC not correct this themselves before the FOI compelled them to? Why was this meeting—potentially reshaping the Commission’s legal interpretations—not published proactively?

To make matters worse, the page footers suggest missing content. Pages that the EHRC claims never existed, despite formatting inconsistencies. This signals, at best, poor documentation practices and, at worst, possible withholding of information.

No Equivalent Access for Trans Groups

There is no evidence that the EHRC met with trans advocacy organisations in the same period or offered the same level of deference. There was no consultation with the people these proposals would harm. Sex Matters were allowed to shape the conversation. Trans people weren’t even invited to the table.

This is more than institutional bias. It’s systemic exclusion.

A Regulator in Retreat

The January 2023 meeting between the EHRC and Sex Matters shows a human rights body quietly aligning itself with those seeking to remove rights from a vulnerable minority. It shows the EHRC willing to hear and even act on proposals that would undo the legal recognition of trans people. And it shows a Commission that is no longer defending equality, but debating whether it still applies.

Trans people weren’t in the room. But their rights were. And the EHRC—by silence, by sympathy, by omission—put those rights on the negotiating table.

September 2024: A Second Closed-Door Meeting

This January 2023 meeting was not an isolated incident. In September 2024, Sex Matters met with the EHRC again—this time with Baroness Falkner in attendance—to press further for changes to statutory guidance and promote blanket trans exclusions as legal “clarity.” A follow-up email to Falkner included proposed draft language, polling data, and a reinterpretation of case law, revealing a sustained and coordinated lobbying campaign.

Follow-up

We have submitted a formal request for an internal review of the EHRC’s FOI response, specifically regarding the missing pages indicated by the document pagination and the redacted names. We have asked for confirmation of whether any of the redactions relate to Commissioners, whose identities are public and relevant due to known conflicts of interest on matters of sex and gender.